Citações

Citações de figuras conhecidas.

No seguimento desta citação do Miguel Duarte:

«Embora, uma coisa seja certa, os "sociais democratas" (verdadeiros) de facto, aproximaram-se muito dos "liberais sociais" nos últimos anos, aderindo claramente à economia de mercado e abandonando os sonhos colectivistas. Como disse um orador no último seminário da Internacional Liberal "a terceira via é o Liberalismo".»

Acrescento a seguinte observação acerca da aproximação entre os sociais-democratas e liberais-sociais na perspectiva de um social-democrata:

«The divisions between social democracy and social liberalism are not as great as they used to be. In my view, that’s right and proper because in the old days, prior to 1989, there was some sort of continuing vision of social democracy linked to socialism, as something beyond capitalism. People still sustained that until the very end of the Cold War. Now nobody or hardly anybody believes that, maybe some partisans of the anti-globalisation movement. We are all in the business of creating a decent market economy in a society which includes poor people, fulfils some of the traditional goals of the left, but does so while recognizing that the utopia which used to exist is no longer feasible so far as we know anymore. So, it is inevitable that you get more of an overlap between social liberalism and social democracy.

To my knowledge no one any longer believes in a program of massive nationalization of state ownership of property. I do not know anybody, really, who believes that the discussion is really on the margins.» - Anthony Giddens.

Retrato de Miguel Duarte

Gostei muito do artigo de José Diogo Madeira no Oje, sobre o que é necessária fazer-se em Lisboa:

"O concelho de Lisboa tem 522 mil eleitores recenceados. A Câmara de Lisboa tem uma dívida de 1.261 milhões de euros. Cada eleitor de Lisboa «deve» 2.416 euros (483 contos). Esta dívida compromete o futuro de Lisboa, nos próximos anos. A necessidade de receitas obrigará a autarquia a manter nos máximos legais todas as taxas camarárias, como o IMI e a derrama autárquica. E a falta de dinheiro impede o investimento em infra-estruturas, manutenção dos equipamentos, segurança, cultura e lazer. Em cinco anos, Lisboa será uma cidade mais poluída, com mais trânsito e assaltos, mais feia e tristre, menos atractiva e, em consequência, mais deserta. Paradoxalmente, este cenário catastrófico atrai ainda Carmona Rodrigues e Paula Teixeira da Cruz. Mesmo na actual bagunçada – ninguém sabe muito bem quem manda, neste preciso momento, na câmara – o presidente da Câmara diz que não renuncia e a presidente da Assembleia Municipal também não arreda pé. O poder é assim tão afrodisíaco ou são interesses pessoais acima do interesse de Lisboa?

A cidade vai precisar de um esforço titânico para se reerguer. Os partidos políticos têm de entender que, agora, o essencial não é o resultado eleitoral de cada um deles nas próximas eleições intercalares. O essencial é uma câmara municipal politicamente forte, com um executivo e uma assembleia municipal focados na resolução de problemas e não em trocar apoios de ocasião por nomeações nas empresas municipais. Depois é preciso um plano financeiro para pagar a dívida de Lisboa, vendendo património e reduzindo, com coragem e determinação, o elevado número de funcionários com vínculo à autarquia. A Câmara tem de emagrecer serviços e tornar-se mais eficiente, porque não faz sentido (e não há como pagar) que exista um funcionário camarário para cada 52 eleitores! E depois é preciso tornar a cidade novamente atractiva para viver e para investir. Gerir o trânsito de forma mais eficiente, cuidar das ruas esburacadas e dos jardins, providenciar policiamento e segurança, manter a animação cultural, enquadrar a oferta turística. E é preciso criar condições competitivas face a outras cidades do sul da Europa, como Madrid e Barcelona, que são hoje dois pólos de atracção empresarial e económica em crescendo, ao mesmo tempo que Lisboa vai à falência.

Para que Lisboa tenha futuro, é preciso que os dirigentes políticos e os cidadãos percebam o que está verdadeiramente em jogo e qual é o seu papel nesta matéria. Os primeiros têm de entender que a cidade está demasiado à beira do abismo, para que continuem nos seus jogos de agendas pessoais. E os segundos têm também de perceber que, se os primeiros não servem para gerir o destino de Lisboa, então são eles que têm de ir à luta. Não há esquerda, nem direita nesta matéria – há uma cidade sem futuro e já veremos se aparecem políticos com preparação técnica e determinação para resolver a questão, ou se são os cidadãos que o têm de fazer pelas suas mãos."

Fonte: Oje

O Flagelo do Shire da Economia Portuguesa

- Lamento, Sr. Merry, mas não é permitido – declarou Hob.

- Não é permitido o quê?

- Receber gente assim, de repente, e comer além da conta e tudo o mais – respondeu Hob.

- Mas que aconteceu por cá? – indagou Merry. - O ano foi mau ou quê? Julgava que o Verão tinha sido excelente e a colheita boa.

- Bem, o ano foi realmente, bom – confirmou o velho. – Produzimos uma quantidade de alimentos, mas na verdade não sabemos o que lhes acontece. Desconfio que são todos esses «colectores» e «repartidores» que andam por aí a contar, a medir e a levar para armazenar. «Colectam» mais do que «repartem», e nós nunca mais voltamos a ver a maior parte das coisas.

- Acabem com isso! – pediu Pippin, a bocejar.

@Senhor dos Aneis, O Regresso do Rei.

Retrato de Miguel Duarte

E mais uns perigosos sociais-democratas que defendem a existência de Contas Poupança Saúde, ou então, de perigosos neo-liberais, que defendem que os cidadãos nos EUA devem ter um melhor sistema de saúde que os possa proteger mesmo quando estão no desemprego, têm doenças crónicas ou sofrem de doenças "catastróficas" (ou seja, de cura muito despendiosa). Este mundo está todo de pernas para o ar.

"HSAs combine a personal savings account dedicated for medical expenditures with a low-cost, high-deductible health insurance policy for catastrophic expenses. These accounts will undo much of the damage wrought by excessive third-party medical payments by changing consumers' incentives. Below the health insurance deductible, all payments are made by the consumer with money they can keep. Humans are much more careful consumers when spending their own money versus someone else's. Patients will curb their consumption and thus help contain medical inflation. Because consumers have built-in incentives to make wise choices, many of the restrictions that insurers have placed on patients will begin to disappear. Because patients own their health savings accounts, they will have some self-insurance coverage when they switch jobs and be better able to afford catastrophic coverage on their own. Health savings accounts will thus make health insurance more affordable for people in and out of work. Cato's research on HSAs seeks ways to improve access to consumer-driven health care plans so that patients and doctors—not third party payers—have the power to make crucial medical decisions."

Fonte: CATO Institute - Medical Savings Accounts

Retrato de Miguel Duarte

Na minha série de citações de alguns liberais conhecidos, desta vez algumas citações das políticas que Friedman defendia para a Saúde:

Medical savings accounts offer one way to resolve the growing financial and administrative problems of Medicare and Medicaid. It seems clear from private experience that a program along these lines would be less expensive and bureaucratic than the current system and more satisfactory to the participants. In effect, it would be a way to voucherize Medicare and Medicaid. It would enable participants to spend their own money on themselves for routine medical care and medical problems, rather than having to go through HMOs and insurance companies, while at the same time providing protection against medical catastrophes.

A more radical reform would, first, end both Medicare and Medicaid, at least for new entrants, and replace them by providing every family in the United States with catastrophic insurance (i.e., a major medical policy with a high deductible). Second, it would end tax exemption of employer-provided medical care. And, third, it would remove the restrictive regulations that are now imposed on medical insurance—hard to justify with universal catastrophic insurance.

This reform would solve the problem of the currently medically uninsured, eliminate most of the bureaucratic structure, free medical practitioners from an increasingly heavy burden of paperwork and regulation, and lead many employers and employees to convert employer-provided medical care into a higher cash wage. The taxpayer would save money because total government costs would plummet. The family would be relieved of one of its major concerns—the possibility of being impoverished by a major medical catastrophe—and most could readily finance the remaining medical costs. Families would once again have an incentive to monitor the providers of medical care and to establish the kind of personal relations with them that were once customary. The demonstrated efficiency of private enterprise would have a chance to improve the quality and lower the cost of medical care. The first question asked of a patient entering a hospital might once again become "What’s wrong?" not "What’s your insurance?"

Fonte: How to Cure Health Care (Milton Friedman

E não é que o MLS continua a copiar Friedman. Estes liberais sociais são um safados. ;)

Retrato de Miguel Duarte

Milton Friedman defendia para a educação um sistema muito semelhante ao adoptado pelo MLS no seu programa político.
Milton Friedman

"The alternative arrangements whose broad outlines are sketched in this paper distinguish sharply between the financing of education and the operation of educational institutions, and between education for citizenship or leadership and for greater economic productivity. Throughout, they center attention on the person rather than the institution. Government, preferably local governmental units, would give each child, through his parents, a specified sum to be used solely in paying for his general education; the parents would be free to spend this sum at a school of their own choice, provided it met certain minimum standards laid down by the appropriate governmental unit. Such schools would be conducted under a variety of auspices: by private enterprises operated for profit, non profit institutions established by private endowment, religious bodies, and some even by governmental units.

For vocational education, the government, this time however the central government, might likewise deal directly with the individual seeking such education. If it did so, it would make funds available to him to finance his education, not as a subsidy but as "equity" capital. In return, he would obligate himself to pay the state a specified fraction of his earnings above some minimum, the fraction and minimum being determined to make the program self-financing. Such a program would eliminate existing imperfections in the capital market and so widen the opportunity of individuals to make productive investments in themselves while at the same time assuring that the costs are borne by those who benefit most directly rather than by the population at large. An alternative, and a highly desirable one if it is feasible, is to stimulate private arrangements directed toward the same end.

The result of these measures would be a sizable reduction in the direct activities of government, yet a great widening in the educational opportunities open to our children. They would bring a healthy increase in the variety of educational institutions available and in competition among them. Private initiative and enterprise would quicken the pace of progress in this area as it has in so many others. Government would serve its proper function of improving the operation of the invisible hand without substituting the dead hand of bureaucracy." Fonte: The Role of Government in Education

Retrato de Miguel Duarte

Adam Smith

Colocando uma questão relevante, após falar sobre os benefícios do mercado na educação.

"Ought the public therefore to give no attention to the education of the people?"

Apresenta as razões que para si justificam a intervenção do Estado no campo da educação.

"In the progress of the division of labour, the employment of the far greater part of those who live by labour, that is, of the great body of the peoples, comes to be confined to a very few simple operations, frequently to one or two. But the understandings of the greater part of men are necessarily toned by their ordinary employments. The man whose whole life is spent in performing a few simple operations, of which the effects are perhaps always the same, or very nearly the same, has no occasion to exert his understanding or to exercise his invention in finding out expedients for removing difficulties which never occur. He naturally loses therefore, the habit of such exertion and generally becomes as stupid and ignorant as it is possible for a human creature to become. The torpor of his mind renders him not only incapable of relishing or bearing a part in any rational conversation, but of conceiving any generous, noble or tender sentiment, and consequently of forming any just judgement concerning many even of the ordinary duties of private life... His dexterity at his own particular trade seems, in this manner, to be acquired at the expense of his intellectual, social and martial virtues. But in every improved and civilised society this is the state into which the labouring poor, that is, the great body of the people, must necessarily fall unless government takes some pains to prevent it." Fonte: "A Riqueza das Nações"